Scholars from disciplines including Geography, Ethnography and Urban Planning discuss theoretical approaches, methodology and case studies on processes of the production of urban spaces through global economic value chains, socio-cultural practices, and political governance strategies. Cities are appropriate sites for an examination of the spatial dimension of transnationality because this is where global processes are concentrated, localized, transformed and materialize.
In this context, urban space is not merely to be regarded as a setting for transnational practices, but as a constituent force of transnationalism in all its manifestations. Visit Seller's Storefront. Shipping costs are based on books weighing 2. If your book order is heavy or oversized, we may contact you to let you know extra shipping is required. List this Seller's Books. Payment Methods accepted by seller. Items related to Transnationalism and Urbanism Routledge Research in Stock Image. Published by Routledge , New Condition: New. The remainder of this part of the paper is divided into four parts.
First the personal characteristics of the migrants are highlighted. Second, the international spatial career paths of the migrants are discussed. Third the organisational roles of the migrants are investigated, which teases out the transnational connections, ties and networks of these individuals, and their everyday working experiences in New York City. Fourth, the transnational networking practices of the migrants are analysed, which emphasises the role of transnational networks in the translocalities of both work and social space.
Personal attributes, such as age, marital status, gender, occupation, seniority and where you live, are factors that reproduce the everyday life experiences of the British highly-skilled migrants interviewed in New York. These personal attributes instil particular intellectual, social and cultural capital into elite lifecourses, and also establishes certain creation opportunities, consumption patterns, social relations and cosmopolitanism.
From the interview survey, five major observations can be reported concerning the personal characteristics of these individuals Table 1. First, 83 per cent 25 were men, thus perpetuating the gendered labour markets for inter-company transfers and professional labour in the financial service industry Kofman, ; McDowell, Second, with respect to household formation, 60 per cent were married, with over half of the group having children all attending schools in the New York Tri-State area.
Moreover, those migrants that were married tended to be in more senior positions within the receiving office and had more experience of working in other financial centres. Most of those migrants who were on assignment for the first time in their career were single. Third, with respect to occupation and grade, almost all of the migrants were senior members of the firm.
The majority of migrants were in the thirty to forty age-bracket, and age reflected their seniority within the firm, trans-mobility and marital status. Fourth, linked to occupation, the survey indicated the short-time periods of employment contracts in the New York office the medium length of stay was 2 years. Fifth, with respect to the place of residence, seven married migrants with children of schooling age lived outside of New York City in Connecticut and New Jersey with the remainder living in Manhattan, and especially the Upper East and West Sides, and Midtown.
None of the migrants could identify their place of residence as being an 'expatriate enclave', instead, they all stressed that they just 'blended in' often quoted to New York apartment life in very global, multi-nationality neighbourhoods. Changing firms and changing workplaces in cross-border moves between financial centres is an important process by which highly-skilled workers disseminate and accumulate knowledge in the financial centre. For this group of workers, an important constituent of their transnationalism is the business and social related ties and connections that are accumulated from past working experiences.
Bangkok, Singapore, Bahrain, Beirut, Cairo, Frankfurt, Geneva, Zurich , with either their current or an array of former employers for the other 18, this posting to New York was their first assignment Table 2 , Figure 1. Four migrants had been posted to New York City previously for one year or more in their transnational career paths.
Each migrant had their own transnational story of how their mobility, career development, knowledge accumulation and dissemination was embedded within daily cross-border business connections and ties with other financial centres in different time-zones. This short vignette illustrates why work and careers are fundamental characteristics of their existence as transnational elites.
Respondent Four joined Standard Chartered Bank in Edinburgh and was then sent to Bangkok as a trainee analyst on the Thai equity market. He was in Bangkok for four years where he specialised in the Asian equity market, which resulted in frequent business travel between all east Asian financial centres. In , he was repatriated to London for two years to work on the Asian dealing desk, which involved daily contact with east Asia.
In he was recruited by a French bank and sent back to Bangkok as a broker on the Thai equity market. In he was sent to Singapore for eighteen months to broker in all the Asian markets and he was sent to New York in to head the banks Asian desk. In his New York office he regularly works 18 hour days to ensure that he starts the day as the Asian markets are closing and finishes the day as the Asian markets are preparing to open, with a constant real-time dialogue between Paris H.
For this migrant, cross-border real-time knowledge and intelligence flows were a daily working-routine, as he suggested, 'I rely on the information flow that I get out of those markets to basically keep my clients up to date with what's happening.
All migrants indicated that their migration experiences, including their present posting to New York, was highly beneficial to their own career path, with respect to both promotion within the firm and intellectual and social capital accumulated through business interaction with the New York business community. A posting to New York was deemed by all as being the 'prized' location for their career to fast-track, both within the city and on return to London. Wall Street was viewed by all migrants as being the largest financial market where the most influential players, clients and business networks could be penetrated, and invaluable knowledge, experience, contacts sought.
As this migrant commented,'I mean just the influence of London is so heavily American influenced that at the end of the day a secondment with them.
I mean on secondment the best one is New York. New York's meant to be the capital market centre of the world, it's the best of the best and if you go back to London you go 'I worked in New York' and people will treat you differently'' For the majority of migrants, their preference to be placed on secondment in New York City for career advancement and for all, also the cultural and social experience of living in city was matched by their organisation wishing to assign them to the city for business requirements.
In almost all cases, the knowledge and experience that the migrants were bringing to their firm's networked environment was much more than the individual parts of their generic skills. As one migrant commented:'If you get someone from an overseas office your getting someone whose already travelled and also knows the ways of the firm and it also brings someone whose got some contacts as well as experience.
It helps to push globalisation' 2. It was the sum of their skills, practical knowledge and 'know how', experiences of previous assignments, if applicable, and London business networks, which were maintained constantly by email, fax, telephone and business travel once in New York City. All the migrants acknowledged that they were selected for their New York assignment because they had the management experience, specific skills and expertise accumulated from working and networking in London or other financial centres, which were in demand by their employer in New York, at that particular moment in time.
The most important organisational rationale for a posting to New York City was the migrant's ability to transfer specific skills into the local workplace, whether that be the firm or on secondment to a particular client. In most cases, to coin the phrase of one interviewee, almost all migrants were selected because they were 'bringing intricate knowledge of the U.
They recruited me because I have got the skills that they can sell and make money out of. I am a short-term economic migrant' 3. In short, all of the migrants were posted to New York City to transfer their specific generic intelligence, knowledge and skills from London or another financial centres, as these two brief commentary illustrates,'The bank was looking to expand its activities in the U.
They brought two out at the time with a view to moving into the new office. The whole reason for being here is to do business and to earn money for the bank. You need to have people who understand the market.
So you have the benefit of. I've got all the experience on the analytical side. The way treasury's going is not just a case of do I make money. It's a case of knowing exactly what there is. Coupled with the need to be able to transfer knowledge from London into the New York context, all migrants were required to be in daily contact with knowledge networks or clients in London or other financial centers.
The formation of transnational urban spaces is a relevant and challenging field of interdisciplinary research, which deserves much more debate in order to. in Transnationalism · Diaspora, Identity and Religion: New Directions in Theory and Research book cover Transnationalism and Urbanism book cover.
Equally, all migrants agreed that their 'U. Beyond the organisational rationale of transferring specific skills across national boundaries, several migrants highlighted the significance of trust that they brought to their organisation's New York office, and business network. The idea that only migrants, and not locals, could be trusted to manage banking functions in non-U. One migrant 24 who would not be taped suggested that his bank specifically wanted a 'European' and as he'd been with the bank for ten years they believed that he had brought enough trust and relationships from London to become the bank's treasurer in New York.
One other migrant expressed similar thoughts on the relevance of trust,'I replaced an American. I was trusted to the extent that I was well known within the group in London and part of the benefit of this was what the Federal Reserve likes to see. I exercise corporate governance, control, managing risk and audit.
I am also the public face of X here. I take up a lot of my time talking to the Federal Reserve' 6. The research showed that the migrants were assigned to New York City to transfer knowledge, expertise and skills into the firm and the financial district. But, it also became clear that there was another series of 'softer' processes required to assimilate that knowledge in the organisation. Being accepted into the new organisational culture came through network interaction with U.